Friday, April 29, 2016

FBI Pushing for a Clinton Indictment- Who Will Take Her Place?


Every bit as bad.     Edit:  Yes, I know this post is messed up.  I didn't do it and I can't fix it.  I am leaving it up-  Read between the lines.  --  Max

FBI Pushing for a Clinton Indictment- Who Will Take Her Place?

Friday, April 29, 2016 11:29   

feinstein 2016 2http://www.thecommonsenseshow.com/


feinstein  ugly tyranny

Tuesday, April 26, 2016

The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism

Alright then
let us go on with the history lesson
 Follow the links.

The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism
Posted By: BATR
Date: Tuesday, 26-Apr-2016 12:57:37
With the Easter Rising of 1916, the world was introduced to the eulogy of Pax Britannica. Much like the coercion used by the Roman Empire, the British Crown were masters at colonial repression and exploitation of royal holdings. The long strained history between the Emerald Isle and the City of London dates back many centuries. From the punitive exploits of Oliver Cromwell to the use of the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), the shrift shed blood on both sides. Independence comes at a high price when the imperium masters dig in to keep their rule in place.
Read the entire article on the "Forbidden History" archives
http://batr.org/forbidden/042616.html  
 irishrevolution1916.jpg

 http://www.irishcentral.com/roots/history/50-facts-about-the-Easter-Rising-which-began-99-years-ago-today-PHOTOS.html

  The Easter Rising made the front page of The New York Times eight days in a row. 



Reports in the New York Times.
 Joseph Plunkett married his fiance, Grace Gifford, at Kilmainham Gaol eight hours before his execution.



Joseph Mary Plunkett.
She wore her widow’s mourning clothes the rest of her life.
Painting by William Orpen from the 1900s of Grace Gifford as Young Ireland.

The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism
- See more at: http://batr.org/forbidden/042616.html#sthash.nm5p1ngk.dpuf
The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism
irishrevolution1916.jpg
With the Easter Rising of 1916, the world was introduced to the eulogy of Pax Britannica. Much like the coercion used by the Roman Empire, the British Crown were masters at colonial repression and exploitation of royal holdings. The long strained history between the Emerald Isle and the City of London dates back many centuries. From the punitive exploits of Oliver Cromwell to the use of the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), the shrift shed blood on both sides. Independence comes at a high price when the imperium masters dig in to keep their rule in place.
Easter Rising 1916 is a short but excellent overview of the circumstances and developments of that fateful revolt. The context is well stated in this quote.
"Ireland is too great to be unconnected with us, and too near us to be dependant on a foreign state, and too little to be independent."  C.T. Grenville to the Duke of Rutland, December 3, 1784 (H.M.C. 14 report app. 1, p. 155) This statement sums up the attitude of Great Britain toward Ireland from the twelfth century to the twentieth.”
For an even more descriptive revelation of the era, review the 50 facts about the Easter Rising (in PHOTOS). This history is not often taught in our educational institutions and certainly not featured in the mass media multiculturalism programming that stresses amnesia from the reality of a mere century ago.
So what was this uprising all about? Shaun Harkin offers this established view of Ireland's Easter Rising against colonial rule. However, he provides a much different evaluation, a century later in the conclusion of his essay.
“HISTORIAN PIERS Brendon, author of The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, described the immense impact of the Irish Rising as "blasting the widest breach in the ramparts of the British Empire since Yorktown," referring to the decisive victory over the British Army during the American Revolutionary War.
In the early 1900s, Britain held 50 colonies and 345 million people under its rule. By 1914, the economic competition between Britain and the other imperial powers spilled over into an all-out industrial war for geopolitical dominance across the globe.
The rising was designed to inflict the maximum damage to the prestige of the British Empire while it was consumed with war on the continent. Ireland, Britain's oldest and closest colony, defied imperial rule, and others under the boot of the Union Jack would follow.”
Substitute the Irish liberation struggle for the name of countless other ethnic societies and subjugated colonies from their oppressor empires, and the pattern is similar. Yet the Irish revolt has its own unique significance.  
“Thinking of Ireland comparatively, the country was distinctive among national revolutions of the era in at least three important respects. First, a serious national rising took place during the war – in fact, right in the middle – rather than at the end, amid the turmoil of 1918. The latter was the pattern across central and eastern Europe, resulting in new states such as Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Second, Ireland’s war of independence was waged successfully against a victor power, not – as in the Balkans or the Baltic states – against one of the defeated empires. This was part of the global appeal of the Irish struggle, not least in the United States, where it could easily be enfolded into the American saga of 1776 and all that. And yet, third, the victor imperial power hung on in the north-east of the country – not just for a few years but right up to the present day. Hence, for hardline republican nationalists, then and now, the continuing affront of an unfinished revolution.”
The British Empire would hang on until World War II, but the “troubles” in Ireland brought the culmination of century’s old tension to an open conflict.
An international perspective is given by Liam Ó Ruairc in The global-historical significance of the 1916 Rising.
“The Easter Rising also had a significant impact on imperial rule. Leading establishment figures saw Ireland as a vital link in the chain that bound the British Empire together, so to lose Ireland would mean to lose the Empire. “If we lose Ireland we have lost the Empire,” declared Chief of the Imperial General Staff and Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on 30 March 1921.  After the 1916 Rising, Unionist leader Edward Carson warned the British government of the consequences of defeat in Ireland for the Empire: “If you tell your Empire in India, in Egypt, and all over the world that you do not got the men, the money, the pluck, the inclination and the backing to restore order in a country within twenty miles of your own shore, you may as well begin to abandon the attempt to make British rule prevail throughout the Empire at all.” In response to the Irish demand for independence, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George observed: “Suppose we gave it to them? It will lower the prestige and the dignity of this country and reduce British authority to a low point in Ireland itself. It will give the impression that we have lost grip, that the Empire has no further force and will have an effect on India and throughout Europe.”
The British state’s reaction to the Easter Rising is thus not to be understood purely in an Irish context; but in the overall context of its empire. On 29 May 1916, one month after the Easter Rising, British Prime Minister Lloyd George wrote to Unionist leader Edward Carson: “We must make it clear. . . that Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.”
Often lost in the political reactions and responses of an immediate crisis of will, is the wisdom from previous generations that brings their own intuitive insights to future event. One such sage of Irish culture and politics is Edmund Burke and his interaction in the English Parliament.
While Edmund Burke and the Politics of Empire is a reflection of 18th century thought, the application to the continued struggle of the 1916 Easter Rising in important to understand the nature of religious differences, attitudes of loyalty to England and the prospects of representation versus egalitarian democracy. Burke’s perspective on the Easter Rising would certainly manifest the following sentiments, while maintaining a sense of order and respect for tradition. Yet, in all revolutions, rational balance seldom is the operating principle.
“While Burke supported extension of the franchise in Ireland, his support for voting rights, and for the need for Catholics to sit in the Irish Parliament, was not based on a Jacobite faith in the merits of equal representation. It was, rather, drawn from his moral-imaginative perspective on how society, and how moral and political behavior, are shaped. As Kirk puts it, Burke’s concern was that the continued exclusion of Catholics from Parliament amounted to the denial of “aristocratic leadership” to the Catholic community. Burke was not an elitist in the usual sense; he had denounced as oligarchical earlier efforts to provide a more limited Catholic franchise based on stringent property qualifications. He believed, however, in the need for a well-bred, educated, stable leadership class among the Irish Catholics. The political power exercised by members of the Irish Parliament was, in practice, greatly constrained, but they were public figures and in that respect could play an important role in shaping Irish politics and society.”
If Burke’s concerns about the excessive abuses from a Jacobite mindset applied to the most radical elements among IRA zealots, the fundamental expression of revolution with crossing O'Connell Bridge was a journey well worth mailing a letter of liberty at the Post Office.
Shaun Harkin concludes with his final assessment: “The 100th anniversary should be celebrated as a stand against imperialism and for Irish self-determination. However, the goals of the Irish revolution are still unmet. Ireland needs another rising involving millions opposed to austerity, imperial war and social injustice.”
Well, any ongoing clash of civilizations reverts to ugly consequences when a dominating empire seeks to control a resisting satellite protectorate. “Black and Tans” enforcers will either become executioners or carcasses from a death blow by a freedom fighter. The British Empire was able to extend their rule over much of the world by exploiting the divide and conquer strategy.
While the colonial era established advancement and enlightenment on many levels, the acculturation factor was acutely missing. Cultures are different for real reasons. The Irish are just as much different from the Kings English as the Scots are from their Brit neighbors. Imperialism does not recognize political self-determination. The lesson of the Easter Rising is that the desire for freedom from foreign oppression is universal.
For all their wealth of wisdom and heritage of Magna Carta, the English lose sight of their greatness when the British Crown wants to rule the world.
SARTRE – April 26, 2016
- See more at: http://batr.org/forbidden/042616.html#sthash.nm5p1ngk.dpuf
The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism
irishrevolution1916.jpg
With the Easter Rising of 1916, the world was introduced to the eulogy of Pax Britannica. Much like the coercion used by the Roman Empire, the British Crown were masters at colonial repression and exploitation of royal holdings. The long strained history between the Emerald Isle and the City of London dates back many centuries. From the punitive exploits of Oliver Cromwell to the use of the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), the shrift shed blood on both sides. Independence comes at a high price when the imperium masters dig in to keep their rule in place.
Easter Rising 1916 is a short but excellent overview of the circumstances and developments of that fateful revolt. The context is well stated in this quote.
"Ireland is too great to be unconnected with us, and too near us to be dependant on a foreign state, and too little to be independent."  C.T. Grenville to the Duke of Rutland, December 3, 1784 (H.M.C. 14 report app. 1, p. 155) This statement sums up the attitude of Great Britain toward Ireland from the twelfth century to the twentieth.”
For an even more descriptive revelation of the era, review the 50 facts about the Easter Rising (in PHOTOS). This history is not often taught in our educational institutions and certainly not featured in the mass media multiculturalism programming that stresses amnesia from the reality of a mere century ago.
So what was this uprising all about? Shaun Harkin offers this established view of Ireland's Easter Rising against colonial rule. However, he provides a much different evaluation, a century later in the conclusion of his essay.
“HISTORIAN PIERS Brendon, author of The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, described the immense impact of the Irish Rising as "blasting the widest breach in the ramparts of the British Empire since Yorktown," referring to the decisive victory over the British Army during the American Revolutionary War.
In the early 1900s, Britain held 50 colonies and 345 million people under its rule. By 1914, the economic competition between Britain and the other imperial powers spilled over into an all-out industrial war for geopolitical dominance across the globe.
The rising was designed to inflict the maximum damage to the prestige of the British Empire while it was consumed with war on the continent. Ireland, Britain's oldest and closest colony, defied imperial rule, and others under the boot of the Union Jack would follow.”
Substitute the Irish liberation struggle for the name of countless other ethnic societies and subjugated colonies from their oppressor empires, and the pattern is similar. Yet the Irish revolt has its own unique significance.  
“Thinking of Ireland comparatively, the country was distinctive among national revolutions of the era in at least three important respects. First, a serious national rising took place during the war – in fact, right in the middle – rather than at the end, amid the turmoil of 1918. The latter was the pattern across central and eastern Europe, resulting in new states such as Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Second, Ireland’s war of independence was waged successfully against a victor power, not – as in the Balkans or the Baltic states – against one of the defeated empires. This was part of the global appeal of the Irish struggle, not least in the United States, where it could easily be enfolded into the American saga of 1776 and all that. And yet, third, the victor imperial power hung on in the north-east of the country – not just for a few years but right up to the present day. Hence, for hardline republican nationalists, then and now, the continuing affront of an unfinished revolution.”
The British Empire would hang on until World War II, but the “troubles” in Ireland brought the culmination of century’s old tension to an open conflict.
An international perspective is given by Liam Ó Ruairc in The global-historical significance of the 1916 Rising.
“The Easter Rising also had a significant impact on imperial rule. Leading establishment figures saw Ireland as a vital link in the chain that bound the British Empire together, so to lose Ireland would mean to lose the Empire. “If we lose Ireland we have lost the Empire,” declared Chief of the Imperial General Staff and Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on 30 March 1921.  After the 1916 Rising, Unionist leader Edward Carson warned the British government of the consequences of defeat in Ireland for the Empire: “If you tell your Empire in India, in Egypt, and all over the world that you do not got the men, the money, the pluck, the inclination and the backing to restore order in a country within twenty miles of your own shore, you may as well begin to abandon the attempt to make British rule prevail throughout the Empire at all.” In response to the Irish demand for independence, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George observed: “Suppose we gave it to them? It will lower the prestige and the dignity of this country and reduce British authority to a low point in Ireland itself. It will give the impression that we have lost grip, that the Empire has no further force and will have an effect on India and throughout Europe.”
The British state’s reaction to the Easter Rising is thus not to be understood purely in an Irish context; but in the overall context of its empire. On 29 May 1916, one month after the Easter Rising, British Prime Minister Lloyd George wrote to Unionist leader Edward Carson: “We must make it clear. . . that Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.”
Often lost in the political reactions and responses of an immediate crisis of will, is the wisdom from previous generations that brings their own intuitive insights to future event. One such sage of Irish culture and politics is Edmund Burke and his interaction in the English Parliament.
While Edmund Burke and the Politics of Empire is a reflection of 18th century thought, the application to the continued struggle of the 1916 Easter Rising in important to understand the nature of religious differences, attitudes of loyalty to England and the prospects of representation versus egalitarian democracy. Burke’s perspective on the Easter Rising would certainly manifest the following sentiments, while maintaining a sense of order and respect for tradition. Yet, in all revolutions, rational balance seldom is the operating principle.
“While Burke supported extension of the franchise in Ireland, his support for voting rights, and for the need for Catholics to sit in the Irish Parliament, was not based on a Jacobite faith in the merits of equal representation. It was, rather, drawn from his moral-imaginative perspective on how society, and how moral and political behavior, are shaped. As Kirk puts it, Burke’s concern was that the continued exclusion of Catholics from Parliament amounted to the denial of “aristocratic leadership” to the Catholic community. Burke was not an elitist in the usual sense; he had denounced as oligarchical earlier efforts to provide a more limited Catholic franchise based on stringent property qualifications. He believed, however, in the need for a well-bred, educated, stable leadership class among the Irish Catholics. The political power exercised by members of the Irish Parliament was, in practice, greatly constrained, but they were public figures and in that respect could play an important role in shaping Irish politics and society.”
If Burke’s concerns about the excessive abuses from a Jacobite mindset applied to the most radical elements among IRA zealots, the fundamental expression of revolution with crossing O'Connell Bridge was a journey well worth mailing a letter of liberty at the Post Office.
Shaun Harkin concludes with his final assessment: “The 100th anniversary should be celebrated as a stand against imperialism and for Irish self-determination. However, the goals of the Irish revolution are still unmet. Ireland needs another rising involving millions opposed to austerity, imperial war and social injustice.”
Well, any ongoing clash of civilizations reverts to ugly consequences when a dominating empire seeks to control a resisting satellite protectorate. “Black and Tans” enforcers will either become executioners or carcasses from a death blow by a freedom fighter. The British Empire was able to extend their rule over much of the world by exploiting the divide and conquer strategy.
While the colonial era established advancement and enlightenment on many levels, the acculturation factor was acutely missing. Cultures are different for real reasons. The Irish are just as much different from the Kings English as the Scots are from their Brit neighbors. Imperialism does not recognize political self-determination. The lesson of the Easter Rising is that the desire for freedom from foreign oppression is universal.
For all their wealth of wisdom and heritage of Magna Carta, the English lose sight of their greatness when the British Crown wants to rule the world.
SARTRE – April 26, 2016
- See more at: http://batr.org/forbidden/042616.html#sthash.nm5p1ngk.dpuf
The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism
irishrevolution1916.jpg
With the Easter Rising of 1916, the world was introduced to the eulogy of Pax Britannica. Much like the coercion used by the Roman Empire, the British Crown were masters at colonial repression and exploitation of royal holdings. The long strained history between the Emerald Isle and the City of London dates back many centuries. From the punitive exploits of Oliver Cromwell to the use of the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), the shrift shed blood on both sides. Independence comes at a high price when the imperium masters dig in to keep their rule in place.
Easter Rising 1916 is a short but excellent overview of the circumstances and developments of that fateful revolt. The context is well stated in this quote.
"Ireland is too great to be unconnected with us, and too near us to be dependant on a foreign state, and too little to be independent."  C.T. Grenville to the Duke of Rutland, December 3, 1784 (H.M.C. 14 report app. 1, p. 155) This statement sums up the attitude of Great Britain toward Ireland from the twelfth century to the twentieth.”
For an even more descriptive revelation of the era, review the 50 facts about the Easter Rising (in PHOTOS). This history is not often taught in our educational institutions and certainly not featured in the mass media multiculturalism programming that stresses amnesia from the reality of a mere century ago.
So what was this uprising all about? Shaun Harkin offers this established view of Ireland's Easter Rising against colonial rule. However, he provides a much different evaluation, a century later in the conclusion of his essay.
“HISTORIAN PIERS Brendon, author of The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, described the immense impact of the Irish Rising as "blasting the widest breach in the ramparts of the British Empire since Yorktown," referring to the decisive victory over the British Army during the American Revolutionary War.
In the early 1900s, Britain held 50 colonies and 345 million people under its rule. By 1914, the economic competition between Britain and the other imperial powers spilled over into an all-out industrial war for geopolitical dominance across the globe.
The rising was designed to inflict the maximum damage to the prestige of the British Empire while it was consumed with war on the continent. Ireland, Britain's oldest and closest colony, defied imperial rule, and others under the boot of the Union Jack would follow.”
Substitute the Irish liberation struggle for the name of countless other ethnic societies and subjugated colonies from their oppressor empires, and the pattern is similar. Yet the Irish revolt has its own unique significance.  
“Thinking of Ireland comparatively, the country was distinctive among national revolutions of the era in at least three important respects. First, a serious national rising took place during the war – in fact, right in the middle – rather than at the end, amid the turmoil of 1918. The latter was the pattern across central and eastern Europe, resulting in new states such as Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Second, Ireland’s war of independence was waged successfully against a victor power, not – as in the Balkans or the Baltic states – against one of the defeated empires. This was part of the global appeal of the Irish struggle, not least in the United States, where it could easily be enfolded into the American saga of 1776 and all that. And yet, third, the victor imperial power hung on in the north-east of the country – not just for a few years but right up to the present day. Hence, for hardline republican nationalists, then and now, the continuing affront of an unfinished revolution.”
The British Empire would hang on until World War II, but the “troubles” in Ireland brought the culmination of century’s old tension to an open conflict.
An international perspective is given by Liam Ó Ruairc in The global-historical significance of the 1916 Rising.
“The Easter Rising also had a significant impact on imperial rule. Leading establishment figures saw Ireland as a vital link in the chain that bound the British Empire together, so to lose Ireland would mean to lose the Empire. “If we lose Ireland we have lost the Empire,” declared Chief of the Imperial General Staff and Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on 30 March 1921.  After the 1916 Rising, Unionist leader Edward Carson warned the British government of the consequences of defeat in Ireland for the Empire: “If you tell your Empire in India, in Egypt, and all over the world that you do not got the men, the money, the pluck, the inclination and the backing to restore order in a country within twenty miles of your own shore, you may as well begin to abandon the attempt to make British rule prevail throughout the Empire at all.” In response to the Irish demand for independence, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George observed: “Suppose we gave it to them? It will lower the prestige and the dignity of this country and reduce British authority to a low point in Ireland itself. It will give the impression that we have lost grip, that the Empire has no further force and will have an effect on India and throughout Europe.”
The British state’s reaction to the Easter Rising is thus not to be understood purely in an Irish context; but in the overall context of its empire. On 29 May 1916, one month after the Easter Rising, British Prime Minister Lloyd George wrote to Unionist leader Edward Carson: “We must make it clear. . . that Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.”
Often lost in the political reactions and responses of an immediate crisis of will, is the wisdom from previous generations that brings their own intuitive insights to future event. One such sage of Irish culture and politics is Edmund Burke and his interaction in the English Parliament.
While Edmund Burke and the Politics of Empire is a reflection of 18th century thought, the application to the continued struggle of the 1916 Easter Rising in important to understand the nature of religious differences, attitudes of loyalty to England and the prospects of representation versus egalitarian democracy. Burke’s perspective on the Easter Rising would certainly manifest the following sentiments, while maintaining a sense of order and respect for tradition. Yet, in all revolutions, rational balance seldom is the operating principle.
“While Burke supported extension of the franchise in Ireland, his support for voting rights, and for the need for Catholics to sit in the Irish Parliament, was not based on a Jacobite faith in the merits of equal representation. It was, rather, drawn from his moral-imaginative perspective on how society, and how moral and political behavior, are shaped. As Kirk puts it, Burke’s concern was that the continued exclusion of Catholics from Parliament amounted to the denial of “aristocratic leadership” to the Catholic community. Burke was not an elitist in the usual sense; he had denounced as oligarchical earlier efforts to provide a more limited Catholic franchise based on stringent property qualifications. He believed, however, in the need for a well-bred, educated, stable leadership class among the Irish Catholics. The political power exercised by members of the Irish Parliament was, in practice, greatly constrained, but they were public figures and in that respect could play an important role in shaping Irish politics and society.”
If Burke’s concerns about the excessive abuses from a Jacobite mindset applied to the most radical elements among IRA zealots, the fundamental expression of revolution with crossing O'Connell Bridge was a journey well worth mailing a letter of liberty at the Post Office.
Shaun Harkin concludes with his final assessment: “The 100th anniversary should be celebrated as a stand against imperialism and for Irish self-determination. However, the goals of the Irish revolution are still unmet. Ireland needs another rising involving millions opposed to austerity, imperial war and social injustice.”
Well, any ongoing clash of civilizations reverts to ugly consequences when a dominating empire seeks to control a resisting satellite protectorate. “Black and Tans” enforcers will either become executioners or carcasses from a death blow by a freedom fighter. The British Empire was able to extend their rule over much of the world by exploiting the divide and conquer strategy.
While the colonial era established advancement and enlightenment on many levels, the acculturation factor was acutely missing. Cultures are different for real reasons. The Irish are just as much different from the Kings English as the Scots are from their Brit neighbors. Imperialism does not recognize political self-determination. The lesson of the Easter Rising is that the desire for freedom from foreign oppression is universal.
For all their wealth of wisdom and heritage of Magna Carta, the English lose sight of their greatness when the British Crown wants to rule the world.
SARTRE – April 26, 2016
- See more at: http://batr.org/forbidden/042616.html#sthash.nm5p1ngk.dpuf
The 1916 Irish Uprising against British Imperialism
irishrevolution1916.jpg
With the Easter Rising of 1916, the world was introduced to the eulogy of Pax Britannica. Much like the coercion used by the Roman Empire, the British Crown were masters at colonial repression and exploitation of royal holdings. The long strained history between the Emerald Isle and the City of London dates back many centuries. From the punitive exploits of Oliver Cromwell to the use of the Auxiliary Division of the Royal Irish Constabulary (ADRIC), the shrift shed blood on both sides. Independence comes at a high price when the imperium masters dig in to keep their rule in place.
Easter Rising 1916 is a short but excellent overview of the circumstances and developments of that fateful revolt. The context is well stated in this quote.
"Ireland is too great to be unconnected with us, and too near us to be dependant on a foreign state, and too little to be independent."  C.T. Grenville to the Duke of Rutland, December 3, 1784 (H.M.C. 14 report app. 1, p. 155) This statement sums up the attitude of Great Britain toward Ireland from the twelfth century to the twentieth.”
For an even more descriptive revelation of the era, review the 50 facts about the Easter Rising (in PHOTOS). This history is not often taught in our educational institutions and certainly not featured in the mass media multiculturalism programming that stresses amnesia from the reality of a mere century ago.
So what was this uprising all about? Shaun Harkin offers this established view of Ireland's Easter Rising against colonial rule. However, he provides a much different evaluation, a century later in the conclusion of his essay.
“HISTORIAN PIERS Brendon, author of The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, described the immense impact of the Irish Rising as "blasting the widest breach in the ramparts of the British Empire since Yorktown," referring to the decisive victory over the British Army during the American Revolutionary War.
In the early 1900s, Britain held 50 colonies and 345 million people under its rule. By 1914, the economic competition between Britain and the other imperial powers spilled over into an all-out industrial war for geopolitical dominance across the globe.
The rising was designed to inflict the maximum damage to the prestige of the British Empire while it was consumed with war on the continent. Ireland, Britain's oldest and closest colony, defied imperial rule, and others under the boot of the Union Jack would follow.”
Substitute the Irish liberation struggle for the name of countless other ethnic societies and subjugated colonies from their oppressor empires, and the pattern is similar. Yet the Irish revolt has its own unique significance.  
“Thinking of Ireland comparatively, the country was distinctive among national revolutions of the era in at least three important respects. First, a serious national rising took place during the war – in fact, right in the middle – rather than at the end, amid the turmoil of 1918. The latter was the pattern across central and eastern Europe, resulting in new states such as Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Second, Ireland’s war of independence was waged successfully against a victor power, not – as in the Balkans or the Baltic states – against one of the defeated empires. This was part of the global appeal of the Irish struggle, not least in the United States, where it could easily be enfolded into the American saga of 1776 and all that. And yet, third, the victor imperial power hung on in the north-east of the country – not just for a few years but right up to the present day. Hence, for hardline republican nationalists, then and now, the continuing affront of an unfinished revolution.”
The British Empire would hang on until World War II, but the “troubles” in Ireland brought the culmination of century’s old tension to an open conflict.
An international perspective is given by Liam Ó Ruairc in The global-historical significance of the 1916 Rising.
“The Easter Rising also had a significant impact on imperial rule. Leading establishment figures saw Ireland as a vital link in the chain that bound the British Empire together, so to lose Ireland would mean to lose the Empire. “If we lose Ireland we have lost the Empire,” declared Chief of the Imperial General Staff and Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson on 30 March 1921.  After the 1916 Rising, Unionist leader Edward Carson warned the British government of the consequences of defeat in Ireland for the Empire: “If you tell your Empire in India, in Egypt, and all over the world that you do not got the men, the money, the pluck, the inclination and the backing to restore order in a country within twenty miles of your own shore, you may as well begin to abandon the attempt to make British rule prevail throughout the Empire at all.” In response to the Irish demand for independence, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George observed: “Suppose we gave it to them? It will lower the prestige and the dignity of this country and reduce British authority to a low point in Ireland itself. It will give the impression that we have lost grip, that the Empire has no further force and will have an effect on India and throughout Europe.”
The British state’s reaction to the Easter Rising is thus not to be understood purely in an Irish context; but in the overall context of its empire. On 29 May 1916, one month after the Easter Rising, British Prime Minister Lloyd George wrote to Unionist leader Edward Carson: “We must make it clear. . . that Ulster does not, whether she wills it or not, merge in the rest of Ireland.”
Often lost in the political reactions and responses of an immediate crisis of will, is the wisdom from previous generations that brings their own intuitive insights to future event. One such sage of Irish culture and politics is Edmund Burke and his interaction in the English Parliament.
While Edmund Burke and the Politics of Empire is a reflection of 18th century thought, the application to the continued struggle of the 1916 Easter Rising in important to understand the nature of religious differences, attitudes of loyalty to England and the prospects of representation versus egalitarian democracy. Burke’s perspective on the Easter Rising would certainly manifest the following sentiments, while maintaining a sense of order and respect for tradition. Yet, in all revolutions, rational balance seldom is the operating principle.
“While Burke supported extension of the franchise in Ireland, his support for voting rights, and for the need for Catholics to sit in the Irish Parliament, was not based on a Jacobite faith in the merits of equal representation. It was, rather, drawn from his moral-imaginative perspective on how society, and how moral and political behavior, are shaped. As Kirk puts it, Burke’s concern was that the continued exclusion of Catholics from Parliament amounted to the denial of “aristocratic leadership” to the Catholic community. Burke was not an elitist in the usual sense; he had denounced as oligarchical earlier efforts to provide a more limited Catholic franchise based on stringent property qualifications. He believed, however, in the need for a well-bred, educated, stable leadership class among the Irish Catholics. The political power exercised by members of the Irish Parliament was, in practice, greatly constrained, but they were public figures and in that respect could play an important role in shaping Irish politics and society.”
If Burke’s concerns about the excessive abuses from a Jacobite mindset applied to the most radical elements among IRA zealots, the fundamental expression of revolution with crossing O'Connell Bridge was a journey well worth mailing a letter of liberty at the Post Office.
Shaun Harkin concludes with his final assessment: “The 100th anniversary should be celebrated as a stand against imperialism and for Irish self-determination. However, the goals of the Irish revolution are still unmet. Ireland needs another rising involving millions opposed to austerity, imperial war and social injustice.”
Well, any ongoing clash of civilizations reverts to ugly consequences when a dominating empire seeks to control a resisting satellite protectorate. “Black and Tans” enforcers will either become executioners or carcasses from a death blow by a freedom fighter. The British Empire was able to extend their rule over much of the world by exploiting the divide and conquer strategy.
While the colonial era established advancement and enlightenment on many levels, the acculturation factor was acutely missing. Cultures are different for real reasons. The Irish are just as much different from the Kings English as the Scots are from their Brit neighbors. Imperialism does not recognize political self-determination. The lesson of the Easter Rising is that the desire for freedom from foreign oppression is universal.
For all their wealth of wisdom and heritage of Magna Carta, the English lose sight of their greatness when the British Crown wants to rule the world.
SARTRE – April 26, 2016
- See more at: http://batr.org/forbidden/042616.html#sthash.nm5p1ngk.dpuf

Unleashing the Killer Angels

A few things are worth repeating.

This is one of Sypsey's pieces from 2008 

(Recall as you read this, that Obama's inaugural train followed the course
of Lincoln's funeral train - in reverse.)  Max


>Vanderboegh: Unleashing the Killer Angels
Posted on October 27, 2008


 
Unleashing the Killer Angels
by Mike Vanderboegh
26 October 2008

‘If man is an angel, Colonel, he must be a killer angel.’

–Sergeant Buster Kilrain, Twentieth Maine Infantry, in ‘The Killer Angels’ by Michael Shaara

Lincoln Reincarnated

One of the most amazing things about the present presidential campaign (which has been full of the amazing and improbable) is how historical amnesiacs like Barack Obama and his followers can speak of “The Lightworker” as Abraham Lincoln reincarnated without apparent irony.

In a column in the 26 June 2005 issue of Time magazine, (“What I See in Lincoln’s Eyes”), Obama wrote,

“And as Lincoln called once upon the better angels of our nature, I believe that he is calling still, across the ages, to summon some measure of that character, the American character, in each of us today.”

His acolytes, in the press and elsewhere, have proclaimed this second coming of Lincoln with great approval. See here and here, among many, many others.

We have it from no less an authority than the Civil War documentary film maker Ken Burns that Obama is the new Lincoln (see “Ken Burns Compares Obama to Lincoln”).

Why do they think this? Obama set himself on Lincoln’s stage to be sure but he is maintained there by his willing allies in the press. A lifelong journalist, Michael S. Malone, has a theory. You can find it here at “Media’s Presidential Bias and Decline”.

Malone says, in part:

“So why weren’t those legions of hungry reporters set loose on the Obama campaign? Who are the real villains in this story of mainstream media betrayal? The editors. The men and women you don’t see; the people who not only decide what goes in the paper, but what doesn’t; the managers who give the reporters their assignments and lay out the editorial pages. They are the real culprits. Why? I think I know, because had my life taken a different path, I could have been one: Picture yourself in your 50s in a job where you’ve spent 30 years working your way to the top, to the cockpit of power & only to discover that you’re presiding over a dying industry. The Internet and alternative media are stealing your readers, your advertisers and your top young talent. Many of your peers shrewdly took golden parachutes and disappeared. Your job doesn’t have anywhere near the power and influence it did when your started your climb. The Newspaper Guild is too weak to protect you any more, and there is a very good chance you’ll lose your job before you cross that finish line, 10 years hence, of retirement and a pension.”

“In other words, you are facing career catastrophe — and desperate times call for desperate measures. Even if you have to risk everything on a single Hail Mary play. Even if you have to compromise the principles that got you here. After all, newspapers and network news are doomed anyway — all that counts is keeping them on life support until you can retire. And then the opportunity presents itself — an attractive young candidate whose politics likely matches yours, but more important, he offers the prospect of a transformed Washington with the power to fix everything that has gone wrong in your career. With luck, this monolithic, single-party government will crush the alternative media via a revived fairness doctrine, re-invigorate unions by getting rid of secret votes, and just maybe be beholden to people like you in the traditional media for getting it there. And besides, you tell yourself, it’s all for the good of the country.”

Legal analyst and talk show host Mark R. Levin expresses the fear that Obama generates in the rest of who have not yet drunk the Obama Koolaid, in “The Obama Temptation”.

Says Levin:

I honestly never thought we’d see such a thing in our country – not yet anyway – but I sense what’s occurring in this election is a recklessness and abandonment of rationality that has preceded the voluntary surrender of liberty and security in other places. . . There is a cult-like atmosphere around Barack Obama, which his campaign has carefully and successfully fabricated, which concerns me. The messiah complex. Fainting audience members at rallies. Special Obama flags and an Obama presidential seal. A graphic with the portrayal of the globe and Obama’s name on it, which adorns everything from Obama’s plane to his street literature. Young school children singing songs praising Obama. Teenagers wearing camouflage outfits and marching in military order chanting Obama’s name and the professions he is going to open to them. An Obama world tour, culminating in a speech in Berlin where Obama proclaims we are all citizens of the world. I dare say, this is ominous stuff. . .

But beyond the elites and the media, my greatest concern is whether this election will show a majority of the voters susceptible to the appeal of a charismatic demagogue. This may seem a harsh term to some, and no doubt will to Obama supporters, but it is a perfectly appropriate characterization.

Obama’s entire campaign is built on class warfare and human envy. The “change” he peddles is not new. We’ve seen it before. It is change that diminishes individual liberty for the soft authoritarianism of socialism. It is a populist appeal that disguises government mandated wealth redistribution as tax cuts for the middle class, falsely blames capitalism for the social policies and government corruption (Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac) that led to the current turmoil in our financial markets, fuels contempt for commerce and trade by stigmatizing those who run successful small and large businesses, and exploits human imperfection as a justification for a massive expansion of centralized government.

Obama’s appeal to the middle class is an appeal to the “the proletariat,” as an infamous philosopher once described it, about which a mythology has been created. Rather than pursue the American Dream, he insists that the American Dream has arbitrary limits – limits Obama would set for the rest of us . If the individual dares to succeed beyond the limits set by Obama, he is punished for he’s now officially “rich.” The value of his physical and intellectual labor must be confiscated in greater amounts for the good of the proletariat (the middle class).

And so it is that the middle class, the birth-child of capitalism, is both celebrated and enslaved — for its own good and the greater good. The “hope” Obama represents, therefore, is not hope at all. It is the misery of his utopianism imposed on the individual. Unlike past Democrat presidential candidates, Obama is a hardened ideologue. He’s not interested in playing around the edges. He seeks “fundamental change,” i.e., to remake society. And if the Democrats control Congress with super-majorities led by Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid, he will get much of what he demands.

The greatest American philosopher of our time, Thomas Sowell, fears that Obama’s election will be one from which we will never recover.

“Better Angels” or “Killer Angels”?

And this is where Lincoln’s (and Obama’s) “better angels” transmogrify into Michael Shaara’s famous characterization of the battle at Gettysburg, ‘The Killer Angels’.

How is it that these idiots can claim the mantle of Lincoln without irony when Lincoln’s first imprint upon the history of the United States was to sunder it into disastrous civil war?

Americans were heaped in bloody windrows in the hundreds of thousands upon hundreds of thousands, and Obama and Company want you to believe that they will do again what Abe Lincoln did then.

This is a GOOD thing?

Levin is right – Obama is a “hardened ideologue” collectivist. He will seek to remake us in his image, and woe betide those of us who resist.

In the final analysis, I don’t think Obama himself IS an historical amnesiac. I think that he knows exactly where he’s going and where he wants to compel this country to go. In his own way, he has been as up-front about his prejudices and appetites as Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf.

It is just that the press has neglected to inform you of that.

There are those of us who will resist at the muzzles of our rifles where Obama wants to force us to go.

I have said it. So have many others.

We are the “three percent” who will never disarm and never stop fighting for the Founder’s Republic we swore to uphold.

They cannot convince us; they will not scare us.

So they must kill us.

Obama, for all his packaged slickness, knows this. He knows of the “bitter clingers” – he has said so.

What he hasn’t told you is precisely how he’s going to deal with us if we get in his way.

WE are NOT the people HE’s been waiting for.

Believe me, Obama’s election does not herald the coming of “better angels.” It is the killer angels which, like Lincoln’s, will once more stride across our blood-soaked land.

Obama is Lincoln. He has said it and we should believe him.

Like Lincoln, he will bring civil war. Lincoln might be forgiven by some for the horror his election created — he did not know the vast butchery it heralded. Obama, on the other hand, self-proclaimed student of Lincoln and history, has no such excuse. Is this what Joe Biden was hinting at?

In his column for Time, Obama begins:

“My favorite portrait of Lincoln comes from the end of his life. In it, Lincoln’s face is as finely lined as a pressed flower. He appears frail, almost broken; his eyes, averted from the camera’s lens, seem to contain a heartbreaking melancholy, as if he sees before him what the nation had so recently endured. It would be a sorrowful picture except for the fact that Lincoln’s mouth is turned ever so slightly into a smile. The smile doesn’t negate the sorrow. But it alters tragedy into grace. It’s as if this rough-faced, aging man has cast his gaze toward eternity and yet still cherishes his memories–of an imperfect world and its fleeting, sometimes terrible beauty. On trying days, the portrait, a reproduction of which hangs in my office, soothes me.”

So what has Barack Obama learned from Lincoln?

That if you smile through the butchery of your own people, it imparts grace and eternal fame.

May God help us all.

Barack, and his killer angels, cometh.

Get ready to face them.

Mike Vanderboegh
The “alleged leader” of a “merry band” of “three percenters.”
PO Box 926
Pinson AL 35126
GeorgeMason1776@aol.com
III

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Monday, April 25, 2016

from Oath Keepers re Sipsey




  from Oath Keepers





 Editor's Note: I usually post only a few teaser paragraphs in my emails to you featuring David's articles, and link to the full article at the Oath Keepers national website. This time, however, I am including the entire article, to increase the spread of this article every way possible among our membership, friends, and subscribers. Oath Keepers salutes Mike Vanderboegh for outstanding service to the American people and to his family, community, and his God.  I, personally, value the moments Mike shared with me at Lexington Green (2013) and Bundy Ranch (2014). Please read David's latest  article online at the Oath Keepers website. Your comments under this article will be received there, and will be available for both David and Mike Vanderboegh to see. Let's show Mike that we will carry forward his vision of resistance to tyranny for the sake of individual freedom in the spirit of, and with the dignity of, Mike Vanderboegh's legacy. Thank you.

Salute!
Elias Alias, editor

The long url for this article, in case embedded links fail in forwards:
https://www.oathkeepers.org/a-visit-with-mike-vanderboegh-my-friend/ 

_______

Vanderboegh Shows Strength and Dignity Preparing for 'Other Side'

by David Codrea 
   

  
I drove down from my home in Ohio to see Mike Vanderboegh this weekend at his home in Alabama. I was able to spend some time with him on Friday night and again on Saturday morning.
His appearance is about what you'd expect for a man who told us a week ago the doctors have given him four weeks to live - there's no need to dwell on that here. After years of friendship, it was important for me to see him face-to-face, and to show him how much I valued the blessing of knowing him. In fact, grim and sad as the reason for my trip was, I told Mike I not only considered making it one blessing, but two: That there are people in my life I care enough about to make such a trip for, and that I have the means and the capability to do it.
It's about 12 hours each way (with stops for gas and to get the circulation going again), meaning I had time Friday evening to visit with Mike, and his steadfast wife, Rosey, for a little over an hour. Mike was lying on the couch for the duration. Pain is being managed, such as it can be, with a patch. I kept the visit short, not just because I didn't want to overdo things for him, but I was also pretty tired. I returned to their house Saturday morning, where they were joined by their loving daughters, there to help with a garage sale. For that, I was happy to see him able to sit in a chair, supervise the goings-on, and engage with people. The man's strength of will is incredible.
Noting he had to drag himself from the couch to a chair in the garage by a space heater for a garage sale, now's as good a time as any to make my pitch, and this one doesn't go to everybody, but only to a specific subset of readers:
If you've received value from Mike's work, you know it, and only you can determine the value you think you should return. To do that, you can make a gratitude offering in recognition of the value you received. There's a PayPal "Donate" button in the right sidebar at Sipsey Street Irregulars, or if you don't like using them, checks or money orders (made out to "Mike Vanderboegh") and cash can be sent to him at PO Box 926, Pinson, AL 35126. And, as always, I'll ask you to be a force multiplier and to spread the word.
Our conversation didn't center on being maudlin, but rather on the freedom issues of the day that have always occupied his attention when he was well enough to research and comment on them. Men don't do hand-wringing, sob-sister stuff, at least around Mike Vanderboegh. I did pass along messages of concern his many friends have shared with me, and he appreciates that, and the support - in good will and in more tangible ways -  some of you have shown him.
Of particular interest to Mike (among the many things we discussed, from "men" in women's bathrooms, to the presidential race, to our oath to the Constitution and more), was the latest noise being made about Fast and Furious "gunwalking," and the wholly unsurprising revelation that the stonewalling continues. We also talked about the transition of his beloved Sipsey Street Irregulars blog to his son Matthew, who is off to a strong start, and I committed to doing what I can to support the continuation of the legacy.
Mike did share plans for his memorial, which I think will be more appropriate to leave to an announcement from Matt when he thinks the time is appropriate. He also shared a significant regret about his imminent passing, but it was not one of self-pity or of desperation to escape - it's that he won't be around to do his part in the trying times he sees coming.
That pretty much defines my friend, and defines the lessons I have tried to learn from him, albeit imperfectly and not without struggles on my part - strength of will, sense of commitment, and faith in God. Without a miracle, that's the last time I will see him on this earth, and the next time I return will be to remember him.
"I'll see you on the other side, my friend,"
were the last words Mike Vanderboegh said to me in person as he took my hand to say goodbye.
"Ain't none of us getting out of this alive."


From Sipsey's Page


In my vocabulary, "the Irish" is a metaphor for all the earth's people who demand to be free. Max



Easter Uprising - 100 Years Ago

Just like most fledgling uprisings, the line between success and failure rides on the razors edge.  History is filled with examples of ill-advised, Pyrrhic, and prematurely executed attempts to gain freedom.  The Easter Uprising on April 24, 1916 was of no exception. 

The Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, which consisted of Eoin Macneill, Chief of Staff of the Irish Volunteers, Patrick Pearce, James Connoly, Sean MacDermott, Bulmer Hobson, Patrick McCartan, and John MacBride decided that it would be prudent to call off the uprising and develop a better plan. During the planning meeting, MacNeill had initially voiced concerns that it would not be the best time due to an arms shipment from Germany abourd the Auld had been seized and would not be arriving. Pearse and MacDermott eventually agreed at the meeting that the fighting would be postponed until the time was right. The Military Council was not unanimous in consent to hold off on the Uprising. Tom Clarke gave the most passionate disapproval for the measure insisting that it go on as planed so the movement for Irish Independence would not lose the momentum while the English Military was busy fighting World War 1.   

On Sunday, April 23rd, 1916, MacNeill, had an article published in the newspaper the Sunday Independent that gave orders to members of the Irish Volunteers, Citizens Army and the 200 strong female Cumann na mBan to cancel the uprising.

No uprisings were planned on a whim. Even Hitler’s Munich putsch was planned a year prior. Other than the Military Council, most of which would not survive the Uprising, several perennial figures surround the event.  Countess Markievicz, oldest daughter to an English baron and Arctic explorer, was a leader in the socialist Irish Citizen Army and close associate of James Connolly.  On January 19, 1916, Connolly disappeared for three days and would eventually show back up at the Countess’ house with the plan to go on ahead with the Easter Rebellion despite what certain more cautious council members would say.  He has enlisted Pearse to calm any fears that MacNeill would have prior to the event.  Prior to the seizure of the German weapons shipment, the council had planned to have MacNeill unknowingly recruit and mobilize for the uprising. As the plan for MacNeill shifted, Pearse leaked fake documents to the council allegedly coming from the Dublin Castle, the British seat of power in Dublin, which gave word that the weapons of the Irish Brotherhood were to be seized. This was to bring a sense of urgency to MacNeill but he instead, of course, advised more caution. In addition to the subterfuge with MacNeill, Connolly and his associates went so far as to kidnap fellow councilman Bulmer Hobson, so as to prevent him from compounding any opposition prior to the uprising.

Even though Connolly, Pearse, Clarke and even MacNeill’s subordinates knew that they would more than likely be leading a failed coup. A failure which would assure their deaths; they were prepared and welcomed becoming martyrs.  They had put all of their chips on the fact that the British would completely over-react and in so doing shift more public opinion to home rule and independence. They, of course, would succeed.  Everyone, save a couple on the council, would eventually get their chance at martyrdom after the Easter Uprising.

On Sunday, Captain George Oliver Plunkett, commander of the Kimmage Garrison, had been convalescing in a hospital outside of Dublin but discharged himself.  The following day, Monday, April 24th, Captain Plunkett marched his Soldiers to the train station and used his revolver to flag down a trolley.  He paid for all of his 52 passengers, and then demanded that they be taken to the city center. The first order of business would be to commandeer Dublin’s General Post Office (GPO), a place that would be the headquarters for the rebellion for the remainder of the week. 




The instructions to abort the rebellion had significantly reduced the numbers for the first day.  Plunkett arranged his coterie in sections of four, as was the standing order for the Irish Brotherhood, and marched them to the GPO.  British Army Garrison Soldiers that were off duty lingered outside and were amused that the Irish were playing at being Soldier.  Plunkett who had to be assisted off his horse ordered his men charge the GPO and clear everyone out. 

The British Soldiers stationed inside had been completely taken by surprise and did not even have ammunition loaded in their rifles.  After a few shots at the ceiling and a few bruised egos from the incredulous patrons, the GPO was cleared. Pluckett’s Soldiers immediately took to fortify the building and place snipers on the roof.  By this time Pluckett had begun to succumb to his illness and was visibly worn out from the exertion. Pearse and Connolly walked out of the GPO together, and Pearse read the following proclamation to a small audience of curious onlookers whose loyalties to the event were decidedly mixed:




In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom.
Having organised and trained her manhood through her secret revolutionary organisation, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and through her open military organisations, the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army, having patiently perfected her discipline, having resolutely waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she now seizes that moment, and supported by her exiled children in America and by gallant allies in Europe, but relying in the first on her own strength, she strikes in full confidence of victory.
We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be extinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people. In every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty; six times during the past three hundred years they have asserted it in arms. Standing on that fundamental right and again asserting it in arms in the face of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign Independent State, and we pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades in arms to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and of its exaltation among the nations.
The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of every Irishman and Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all of the children of the nation equally, and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien Government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.
Until our arms have brought the opportune moment for the establishment of a permanent National Government, representative of the whole people of Ireland and elected by the suffrages of all her men and women, the Provisional Government, hereby constituted, will administer the civil and military affairs of the Republic in trust for the people.
We place the cause of the Irish Republic under the protection of the Most High God, Whose blessing we invoke upon our arms, and we pray that no one who serves that cause will dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity, or rapine. In this supreme hour the Irish nation must, by its valour and discipline, and by the readiness of its children to sacrifice themselves for the common good, prove itself worthy of the august destiny to which it is called”

Not knowing the full scope of the uprising, the British Lancers on horseback had been initially dispatched to clear out the GPO.  A call from the Irish leaders to not fire, (presumably to maintain the moral high ground), was ignored.  As the Lancers began to get closer to the building, volleys of fire from Enfield’s quickly cut down the Soldiers and their mounts and they retreated.  A newsboy would collect the rifles and ammunition the Lancers left behind and ave them to the Irish occupiers. 
Word quickly spread throughout the city and armed bands of British Soldiers and Irish Constabulary would bump into the “Volunteers”, (a title they used for the collective rebellion forces), and engage each other in small ambushes.  To complicate matters, the Dublin slums emptied for opportunistic looting and the city quickly spiraled out of control. 
The GPO would withstand repeated assaults, largely due to the defense network and the open fields of fire. With the exception of City Hall and a few other minor road junctions and buildings, the Irish would be unable to capture any other key locations of British government and dislodge the British Garrison from the city.  During a night operation, the British entered the City Hall through a back window and retook the building in a stealthy and daring raid.  All occupants were killed or captured.
Fighting during the Uprising is largely characterized by rooftop sniping and long range gun battles as neither side was prepared for a direct urban engagement.  The British, however, were able to use machine guns and grenades to great effect against the Irish.  The fighting on Tuesday would be constant and brutal.  Many of the Volunteers had fled the city and it was left with the determined few to hold onto key road or buildings.  In Stephens Green, the Irish had dug hasty trenches and prepared to hold the ground.  Of note the Countess had been present at the Green to assist in digging trenches and fighting.  Instead of an outright battle to clear the area, the British placed machine guns at the top of a nearby hotel to the north that overlooked the green.  The British were able to kill five and send the remainder fleeing to the nearby College of Surgeons.  Despite the setbacks, the Irish were unbowed and sent out a telegraph to the world proclaiming that they had held the city and today would be the birth of the Irish republic.
The River Liffey, as it is called, intersects Dublin, and it was through here on Wednesday, April 26, a British fishing protection vessel named “Helga” floated into Dublin and opened fire with two large 18 pound cannons on the Custom House and Trinity College.  The destruction of the certain parts of the city by the bombardment would be considerable and would deny the Irish more key terrain. 
2000 fresh faced and brand new British Soldiers landed in Dublin with orders to clear the streets.  Their effects, however, were quickly halted when they were ambushed and began taking considerable casualties from coordinated fire from two different building. Eventually the British would have to clear the buildings with a series of grenade attacks.  Word eventually spread to the Volunteers of the considerable casualties they were inflicting upon the British, but it was obvious that they were not gaining any new ground that their supplies were quickly being depleted.
Fighting on Thursday would be even more desperate.  By the end of the day many of the Volunteers that still chose to fight had either expended their ammunition and died in place or surrendered.  Connolly was wounded in the ankle and was able to make it to the GPO for medical care by a captured British Army surgeon.  Many parts of Dublin were burning or had been destroyed by artillery.  The last fighting between the British and the Volunteers would be in house to house clearing.  The Irish would knock down walls to enable them to move effectively from house to house.
By 3 P.M. Pearse had surrendered to the British military authority, General Howe.  Connolly had to be removed from the GPO by stretcher and would follow Pearse to sign the surrender order.  Plunkett led his Soldiers out of the GPO and surrendered en masse.  Fighting would go on sporadically with 1st Battalion’s Ned Daly refusing to lay down arms.  The Uprising, however, had been crushed and by Sunday the city was rebuilding.  Civilian casualties would be horrific.  An estimated 250 were killed and over 2000 had been wounded.
The Countess would eventually be captured and was given a death sentence for her part in the Easter Uprising.  She would eventually have that sentence commuted, and would take an active part in the Irish Civil War and Irish politics. Eamon De Valera would also be spared death, largely due to the fact that he was part American, (his father was actually of Cuban decent).  James Connolly was famously executed while sitting in a chair (due to his leg wound).  Thomas Clarke, Sean MacDermott, and John MacBride were also executed that May.
Lesson 1: Trust your friends, but verify.
Never turn your back on crazy.  MacNeill had been an unwitting pawn, but by issuing the stand down order on Sunday, he stymied the efforts to truly bring about a decisive victory on the first day of the Uprising. Had the Irish been able to use the momentum of the victory at the GPO to take more buildings unawares, they could have isolated Dublin Castle until reinforcements arrived.  Potentially, they could have captured more of the Garrison and used that as a bargaining chip.  As it went, they had too few Soldiers and too few weapons to ensure victory. 
Also, if your friends are quite serious about martyring themselves, you should believe them.  If you are not into the murder-suicide thing that characterizes martyrdom for political beliefs, it is probably best to choose different friends.  Citizen Soldiers generally do not have any qualms about laying down their life for something greater, like freedom from a tyrannical foreign government.  What they would strongly disagree to is dying for the sake of a body count. 
Lesson 2: Know the capabilities of your enemies and know your own.
The British employed superior firepower from machine guns, grenades, a gunboat and a armored cars to break the lines of the Volunteers.  While the Military Council was quite aware of how foolish the coup would be, the average Volunteer could not have known, at least initially, how desperate their fight would be. Numbers of actual fighters for the Uprising have the Volunteers outmatched by four to one.  Additionally, most of the Irish Volunteers would not participate in the hard fighting at the end of the week,

Lesson 3: Sometimes you have to go through the rain to get to the rainbow.
After the Military Council was destroyed, Puckett’s Aide de Camp, Michael Collins, would pick up where they left off and would cause the British immeasurable grief to great effect and without the martyrdom.  Not martyrdom by the British, at least.  He could not have had the opportunity to do so without the council destroying itself and creating a power vacuum.
Lesson 4.  Always have a Plan B.

By Thursday, the Military Council discovered that they were surrounded and that the same barricades that helped to defend their positions were the same positions that helped to tighten the noose around them and cut them off.  The ability of the British to envelope their positions could largely be from the fact that they had 16,000 Soldiers and 1,000 local police to work with whereas the Irish had on 1200 determined fighters.  Had they abandoned their positions by Wednesday, the Council would have remained largely intact and it would not have been so costly in civilian deaths.  Hindsight being what it is, the fact remains that they did not allow for a Plan B, or a way out.  I would consider that pretty important.
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